Social Constructions Of Tuberculosis Sociology Essay

affable Constructions Of Tuberculosis Sociology EssayEven in the twenty-first deoxycytidine monophosphate tuberculosis is a major public health concern, with an estimated 8.9 million hot cases and 1.7 million deaths in 2004 Dye, 2006. TB is an infectious affection caused by a bacterium called mycobacteria tuberculosis and it primary affects the lungs however it can in any case affect organs in the circulatory system, nervous system and lymphatic system as advantageously up as opposites. Commsolely in the bulk of cases an individual campaigns the TB bacterium which past multiplies in the lungs often do pneumonia along with chest pain, coughing up blood and a leng so cough. As the bacterium spreads to other sort reveals of the body, it is often interrupted by the bodys immune system. The immune system forms scar tissue or fibrosis just about the TB bacteria and this helps fight the infection and prevents the complaint from spreading passim the body and to other gr eat deal. If the bodys immune system is unable to fight TB or if the bacteria breaks through the scar tissue, the sickness returns to an mobile agent rear with pneumonia and damage to kidneys, bones, and the meninges that line the spinal cord and brain (Crosta, 2012). Thus, TB is generally classified as either latent or active latent TB is the state when bacteria ar present in the body however presents no systems therefore is inactive and non contagious. Whereas, active TB is contagious and can consists of numerous aforementioned symptoms. This essay go amodal value attempt to illustrate the ship canal in which well-disposed bodily structures of TB think over wider socio-cultural value within contemporary global society. In the first part I will examine the historical context of TB and its affaire with leanness which continues on in present time. Secondly, I will seek the flawtism and isolation with TB and finally I will relate the brotherly construction of TB with the manoeuver of Emile Durkheim.It is crucial to severalise the geographicalal disparities in the prevalence of TB. For example, countries such as Australia have a relatively showtime incidence of the distemper with fresh cases primarily be identified in migrant populations a decade after their settlement. In some European nations with substantial public healthc atomic number 18 facilities, TB continues to be a task particularly within large thriving cities such as London. This disproportionate change magnitude in disease incidence compared with other company groups and subject area rates can be found in those who are amicablely disadvantaged including homeless, drug and alcohol addicted, people with HIV, prisoner populations as well as refugees and migrants (Smith, 2009 1). This demonstrates the negative con nonations society denotes to TB infected individuals as well as suggesting that in order to better agnise the favorable construction of TB, the history of the bac terium deprivations to be explored. In 1882 Koch isolated the Mycobacterium tuberculosis and it was ac noesisd that the disease was spread through overcrowded conditions, insufficient livelihood and a penurious lifestyle. It can be begd that TB has been constructed in devil main ways socially and biologically. Biologically through science as an organism and socially by the community as a softened wasting death that was often associated with pale individuals beingness mop upd from the community (Smith, 2009 1).Throughout history TB has been ambiguously represented. Much of the Western 19th nose candy fictional literature highly romanticized the disease and reinforced the customary practices and beliefs. Often referred to as consumption people were described as being consumed and exhausted by the disease as symptoms were assumed to be individuals spirit delicate, pale and drained of energy. Treatment during this breaker point in history reverberate these romanticised not ions. Medical care was coarsely described as a faction of fresh air, companionship and rest. In contrast, many non-European countries negatively popularised TB as part of vampire myths as people tried to make brain of the disease symptoms (Smith, 2010). As a return, diseased bodies were exhumed and ritually burnt to remove vampires existence (Smith, 2009 1). This demonstrates the contrasting representations of TB within differing societies, suggesting that the hegemonic socio-cultural determine of a disease in this case TB plays a authoritative role in the social representations of a disease. As well as illustrating the importance of considering the match of spatial and temporal differences.Following the identification of the disease the discovery of streptomycin and other anti-tuberculosis medications quickly emerged. This gave the impression that TB was no prolonged a major health problem but instead incurable and controllable. Despite being important for treating TN, stre ptomycin, isoniazid and other anti-tuberculosis drugs contained limits for discussion. Resistance quickly developed and insubordinate strains of the bacterium quickly emerged limiting the use of many drugs. Consequently, to stop resistor several of the anti- TB drugs are required in combination and need to be taken for a period betwixt 6 months and deuce years during therapy (Gandy and Zumla, 2002). However, recent outbreaks of multi-drug (MDR) TB have once again brought the disease to the forefront of global health problems. MDR TB is said to have emerged delinquent to inadequate treatment of TB, commonly due to over- prescribing or improper prescribing of anti-TB drugs. Problems with treatment generally occur in immunocompromised patients, such as feed patients and Immune Deficiency Syndrome (acquired immune deficiency syndrome) patients (Craig et al., 2007). In addition, it can be observed that the increase in TB closely weighs the rise cases of human immunodeficiency viru s (HIV) and AIDS globally. Frequently, individuals with immune disorders are not only more likely to contract and develop TB, they are also more likely to be in contact with other TB patients due to often being set in special wards and clinics, where the disease is easily spread to others (Gray, 1996 25). In 2009, 12% of over 9 million new TB cases worldwide were HIV-positive, equalling virtually 1.1 million people (WHO, 2010). One of the most portentously affected countries is southwestward Africa, where 73% of all TB cases are HIV-positive (Padarath and Fonn, 2010).Furthermore, in the early ordinal century improved health check knowledge and technology allowed for better diagnosing. During this period words such as contagion and plagues were popularly used in negative end points in association to judge societies. TB was account as a form of social legal opinion, infecting the bad and the good being disease free. A number of reports suggest a sense of haul became appare nt as differing tuberculosis beliefs began to emerge (Smith, 2009 1). This highlights the importance of social representations in terms of common terms associated with a disease play in the social constructions of TB. Moreover, it could be argued that peoples perceptions of a disease are not only shaped by their direct experiences and the impressions received from others but also significantly through media representations of the disease (Castells, 1998). It is important to recognise the symbiotic descent amid media representations of a disease and the dominant public discourses. It should be acknowledged that the term discourse has multiple meanings, nevertheless this essay will employ Luptons (1992) assessment that discourse as a set of ideas or a pattern way of thinking which can be discerned within texts and identified within wider social structures. The discourses that are founded and circulated by the media ( in the first place newspapers) can be regarded as work to produc e what Foucault (1980) calls particular understandings about the world that are accepted as truth (Waitt, 2005). Thus in the process of disseminating such truths, it could be argued that the media as a corporate and commercial institution is implicated in giving medication populations. Meaning that the power of the media can (directly or indirectly) influence the conduct of its audiences (Lawrence et al., 2008 728). This illustrates that media representations of a disease (TB) impact and are themselves influenced by dominant societal discourses frankincense helping to shape the social constructions of TB.Moreover, it could be argued that there is strong refer between those associated with TB and grungetism and isolation as well as destitution and dirt (Scambler, 1998). Historically, TB was romanticised and referred to as consumption, however once its infectious character was recognised this notion quickly changed. By the early twentieth century, the public social and cultural set at the time generally believed that the disease festered in environments of dirt and squalor and was known as the diseases of the paltry which could then be spread to the middle and upper classes. However, by the twenty-first century this discourse shifted from the poor (although marginalised groups such as the homeless and those with AIDS were unsounded implicated) to the role played by Third World populations in harbouring the disease which threatens to explode into the developed world (Lawrence et al., 2008 729). This demonstrates that as societys socio-cultural values change the way in which disease is constructed and comprehend also changes. It is important to consider the ways which these socio-cultural values change as well as acknowledge the interlinked human relationship between dominant discourses, media representations and prevailing socio-cultural values. The relationship between TB and poverty has been recognised (Elender, Bentham and Langford, 1998) and arguab ly may not only reflect medical and social characteristics of poor individuals, but also characteristics of housing and neighbourhood which harbor airborne spread of TB infection, such as crowding and poor ventilation. Population groups with an increased prevalence of latent infection (such as new immigrants) are disproportionately found in poor areas- often with turn away quality housing (Wanyeki et al,. 2006 501). This illustrates that not only socio-cultural values influence the social constructions of TB but socio-economic factors such as income and housing play a key role too.Additionally, it is important to recognise the global disparities with TB. For example, Dodor et al (2008) argue that in countries where treatment for TB is not readily available, the disease has vex highly fooltised and infected individuals are exceedingly discriminated. According to Link and Phelan (2001) stigma arises when a soulfulness is identified by a label that sets the person apart and prevai ling cultural beliefs link the person to undesirable stereotypes that result in loss of status and dissimilitude (Gerrish, Naisby and Ismail, 2012 2655). This can be illustrates in common cases where people with TB often isolate themselves in order to avoid infecting others may try to hide their diagnosis to reduce the en hazardment of being shunned (Baral et al,. 2007). From research in Thailand, Johansson et al. (2000) distinguish two main forms of stigma one based on social discrimination and second on fear from self-perceived stigma. Furthermore, patients commonly experience social isolation in family field of force where they are obligated to eat and sleep separately (Baral et al,. 2007). This is a common case in countries such as India where little factual knowledge exists about the causes and treatments of TB and access to the necessary healthcare is diminutive (Weiss and Ramakrishna, 2006). As well as many rural communities where knowledge is passed through introductory generations stigmatism and isolation related to TB is substantial- representing the social cultural beliefs of the community.It is important to recognise that the stigma and its associated discrimination have a significant impact on disease control (Macq, Solis and Martinez, 2006). Concern about being identified as someone with TB can potentially put off people who suspect they have TB to get proper diagnosis and treatment. These delays in diagnosis and treatment mean that people remain infectious longer thus are more likely to transmit the disease to others (Mohamed at al,. 2011). In a discipline conducted by Balasubramanian, Oommen and Samuel (2000) in Kerala, India stated that stigma and fears about being identified with TB were responsible for 28% of patients and this was a significantly greater problem for women (50%) than men (21%). This illustrates those socio- cultural values, for example the sexuality inequality highly present in Indian societies has a crucial impact on t he social construction of TB. Also, in another study of social stigma related to TB conducted in Maharashtra, India, showed that stigma and discrimination of the disease resulted in late diagnosis and treatment. Moranker et al,. (2000) found that 38 out of 80 patients they studies (40 women and 40 men) reported to actively attempting to hide their disease from the community. Social vulnerability contributed to womens reticence to disclose TB, and such women were typically widows or get hitched with and living with joint families (Weiss, Ramakrishna and Somma, 2006 281). This demonstrates the extent to which negative socio-cultural beliefs and values about TB can help to construct the disease- in terms of diagnosis, treatment and contagion.Emile Durkheims (1915) work can help to better understand the ground that social constructions of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values. One of Durkheims core arguments was his claim that the ideas of time, space, class, cause and personality ar e constructed out of social elements. This allows us to examine the human body not only as a reflection of social elements but it draws worry to changes over time. Durkheims idea that space and compartmentalisation are socially constructed stems from the collective experience of the social group. According to Durkheim the fundamental social division is Manichaean in that one is between the social group and the other not the social group which he applied to religion resulted in the ineffable and the profane. This central framework can then be used to divers(a) ways of viewing the world. Simply put as one geographic space could be labelled as A and another as not A. Social anthropologist Mary Douglas (1966) extended this Durkheimian vision and discerned thatfar from a chasm separating the sacred and profane, as Durkheim had argued, there was a potential space which existed outback(a) the compartmentalization system this unclassified space polluted the purity of classification a nd was therefore seen as potentially dangerousDouglass analysis of purity and danger can equally be applied to the rules underpinning public health which are concerned with maintaining hygiene. The basic rule of hygiene is that some things are swell and others are dirty and therefore dangerous. Danger arises primarily from objects existing immaterial the classification system and therefore by determining what is dangerous and where it comes from it is attainable to reconstruct the contemporary classification system (Armstrong, 2012 16-17).This illustrates the essays central argument that social constructions of TB reflect wider socio- cultural values- meaning that till present twenty-four hours in many parts of the world TB is still perceived as an unknown variable and thus outside of societys normal classification system therefore is commonly professed synonymously with connotations of danger and dirt. These results in significant stigmatism, isolation and discrimination associ ated with individuals with TB (Heijnders and Van Der Meij, 2006). Furthermore, this highlights the fluid nature of social constructions of TB- meaning that since societies change over time so do their values and beliefs resulting in changes in the ways in which disease are socially constructed. Therefore, in order to fully understand how social constructions of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values, the historical context in which these factors are based and the dominant discourses moldiness be considered.For example, in the mid nineteenth century public health, mainly relied on quarantine as a preventative method, slowly began to crystalize new sources of danger in objects and processes such as faeces, urine, contaminated food, repellent air, masturbation, dental sepsis, etc. The prevailing public health strategy at the time of Sanitary Science which monitored objects entering the body (air, food, water) or deviation it (faeces, urine, etc.). Whereas, in the twentieth century n ew sources of danger emerged including venereal disease and TB .Thus, a new public health regime of social Hygiene developed. Interpersonal Hygiene identified the new dangers not as emerging from nature and threatening body boundaries but as arising from other human bodies. TB, which had been a disease of insanitary conditions in the nineteenth century, became a disease of human contact, of coughing and sneezing (Armstrong, 2012 18). This further demonstrates the changing and complect relationship between socio-cultural values and social constructions of TB.In conclusion, this essay has essay to explore the various ways in which social constructions of TB reflects wider socio-cultural values in contemporary global society, by before long examining the history of the disease and its prevalence in present time. As well as exploring the relationship between TB and poverty- statistically it can be observed that individuals with TB often belong to marginalised social groups and econo mically impoverished groups. Also, global disparities of TB prevalence was noted demonstrating that since severally society is different and has varying socio-cultural beliefs and in lieu of the social constructionist theory this essay has adopted it could be argued that each society has its own particular social construction of TB influenced by its unique socio-cultural beliefs. This may be problematic given that if social constructions of TB are diverse but TB is perceived as a global health problem thus requiring global action then the nuances between the diverse social constructions of TB will be overlook thereby arguably hindering the possibility of improving TB diagnosis and treatment. This also points to the need for not only considering the medical sphere of TB but also if we argue that TB is socially constructed then it is important to recognise the need for including the social aspects to health policies.Furthermore, this essay examined the link between TB and stigmatism , isolation and discrimination through time and present day. Establishing that there are two main types of stigma associated with people with TB self-stigmatism and societal stigmatism. Both are results of the negative connotations TB has held throughout time. Also, I briefly examined the role media representations play on the social construction of TB- particularly newspapers where the reader is viewed as an active agent. Finally, I utilised Emile Durkheims work to better understand and link the arguments presented in the essay. Durkheim states that ideas of time, space, class, personality are all produced with social elements. This highlights the argument that not only does the social construction of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values but that these values change over time thus the social construction of TB also correspondingly changes.Word Count 2997